Essay Correction Ww

Essay Correction Ww-90
A Republican senator, echoing the bellicose mood in Washington, declares that “Estonia is more than a couple of rocks in the East China Sea” and demands to know whether “the United States has torn up the treaty alliances in Europe and Asia that have been the foundation of global security since 1945.” The president gives China an ultimatum to leave the Japanese islands or face a military response.He also tells Russia that another act of secessionist violence in Estonia will trigger force against Russian troops massed on the Estonian border. Chinese and Russian leaders accuse the United States of “prolonging Cold War hostilities and alliances in pursuit of global domination.” World War III begins. Peace, if not outright pacifism, is now bred in the bones of Europeans, who contemplate war with revulsion. America, after two wars without victory, is in a period of retrenchment that may last a generation.

A Republican senator, echoing the bellicose mood in Washington, declares that “Estonia is more than a couple of rocks in the East China Sea” and demands to know whether “the United States has torn up the treaty alliances in Europe and Asia that have been the foundation of global security since 1945.” The president gives China an ultimatum to leave the Japanese islands or face a military response.He also tells Russia that another act of secessionist violence in Estonia will trigger force against Russian troops massed on the Estonian border. Chinese and Russian leaders accuse the United States of “prolonging Cold War hostilities and alliances in pursuit of global domination.” World War III begins. Peace, if not outright pacifism, is now bred in the bones of Europeans, who contemplate war with revulsion. America, after two wars without victory, is in a period of retrenchment that may last a generation.

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It will hold nationalism in check even as the Asian naval arms race accelerates.

Unlike in 1914 or 1939, the presence of large American garrisons in Europe and Asia sustains a tenacious Pax Americana.

He could not have known that within weeks, Austria-Hungary would declare war on Serbia, goading Russia (humiliated in war a decade earlier by Japan) to mobilize in defense of its Slavic ally, which caused the kaiser’s ascendant Germany to launch a preemptive attack on Russia’s ally France, in turn prompting Britain to declare war on Germany. It is already clear that the nationalist fervor unleashed by Putin after a quarter century of Russia’s perceived post–Cold War decline is far from exhausted.

Russians are sure that the dignity of their nation has been trampled by an American and European strategic advance to their border dressed up in talk of democracy, the rule of law, and human rights.

The United Nations, for all its cumbersome failings, serves as the guarantor of last resort against another descent into horror.

The specter of nuclear holocaust is the ultimate deterrent for a hyperconnected world.

Whether this is true is irrelevant; they believe it.

National humiliation, real or not, is a tremendous catalyst for war.

Rival powers fumed over provocative annexations, like Austria-Hungary’s of Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1908, but world leaders scarcely believed a global conflagration was possible, let alone that one would begin just six years later.

The very monarchs who would consign tens of millions to a murderous morass from 1914 to 1918 and bury four empires believed they were clever enough to finesse the worst. That is a notion at once banal and perennially useful to recall.

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